As stated, Gable’s contribution to this collection of essays starts on page 245, and, just for good measure there is an error on this very page. He claims here that the League of Empire Loyalists was 2,000 strong when it merged with the (old) British National Party to form the National Front. According to Martin Walker, “[The National Front claimed 2500 members from the LEL, the BNP and Beauclair’s group from the RPS. There were in fact some 1500 members in anything more than name, 300 from the LEL...” (14)
On page 246, Colin Jordan was said to be still leading the National Socialist Movement in between frequent terms of imprisonment. Jordan was actually jailed twice, once each in 1962 and 1967. (15) This hardly constitutes “frequent terms of imprisonment.” Jordan has been in court on other occasions, most notably for shoplifting – of which more anon! He has also been to court as, what might be termed, an “aggrieved” party. (16)
Also on page 246, Roy Bramwell was said to have been a former Parliamentary candidate. There is no entry for any candidate named Bramwell in British Parliamentary Results 1974-1983. (17) John Kingsley Read was said to have been a Conservative Councillor before defecting to the National Front; actually, he was elected as a National Party Councillor in May 1976 but had never been a Councillor before. (18)
Yet another error appears on page 246. Here, Gable claims that by the first of the two 1974 general elections the National Front’s membership had peaked at 17,500. Again, according to the more reliable Martin Walker, “...some 20,000 people went through the NF in 1974, the stable membership was about 12,000, and the bulk of them did little more than vote.” (19)
Gable claims too that, “The success of the NF had even prompted Mosley to try several times to return to the hustings, with disastrous results.” This is total nonsense. According to Skidelsky’s thoroughly researched, definitive (and excellent) biography of Mosley, (20) on March 20, 1956, Sir Oswald addressed his first major public meeting in five years at Kensington Town Hall. (21) He stood as Union Movement candidate for North Kensington in the 1959 General Election and polled 2,821 votes. He came last. Between 1959 and 1962, Mosley held seven open air meetings in Trafalgar Square. Union Movement also fought the odd bye-election, eg in Moss Side, Manchester, 1961. (22) “In 1966 he launched his latest – and final – campaign.” (23) In other words, Mosley made his ill-fated comeback before the National Front was founded! (24)
In 1949, Mosley bought a house at Orsay just outside Paris (25) and “commuted” between there and Ireland spending increasingly more time in France as the years passed. He died “in exile” in 1980. It is difficult to imagine how even someone as incompetent as Gable could have made such a mistake as his error-prone essay opens with the words, “In the winter of 1987 the National Front (NF) celebrated its twentieth birthday.” (26)
Gable claims too that many local branches of the National Front produced “illegal propaganda”. This is yet another instance of “thought crime”. If the National Front and its fellow travellers publish “hate literature”, so do all the extremist parties of the left, the only difference is that their hate is class hate and anti-Imperialist hate as opposed to race hate. (27)
Page 247: “John Tyndall had a well-organised Praetorian guard of old GBM members...in the key NF posts”. Such as? The only ones seem to have been Martin Webster, and Gordon Brown who was on the other side in the 1975 split (as indeed were Tyndall’s old “Nazi” colleagues Denis Pirie and Peter Holland). Another one, Gordon Callow, was on the Fountaine side in the 1979 split. Also on page 247, Gable claims that Column 88 “has existed in this country since the war years.” We will deal with the question of this “organisation’s” inception date presently. It will suffice to say here that it is claimed that its role is to conduct paramilitary training, and look after the internal security of the movement – presumably Gable is referring here to the Movement, in the same his enemies refer to the Conspiracy. Column 88 is said also to “punish those who break their oaths of allegiance to the Nazi secret society.”
If this is the case then it hasn’t been very effective, after all, Ray Hill, who flashed a Column 88 membership card at the camera in the 1984 fantasy The Other Face of Terror, (28) is still alive. As is Martin Webster, who, presumably would have been purged in a latter day Night of the Long Knives, if Column 88 is what Gable claims it is. If it really exists at all. (29)
Here also, Gable refers to John Tyndall as “a street politician of little charm and small intelligence”. This is a cheap shot and is complete nonsense. (30) Tyndall certainly is not an unintelligent man, neither is Gable. But there is more to intelligence than having a high IQ. Like what you do with it!
On page 248, Gable claims that John Kingsley Read died in 1984. Again, his chronology is wrong, and he has no excuse at all for this. Read died in 1985, and a glowing obituary appeared in the November issue of Searchlight! (31)
Also on page 248, Gable has some unpleasant comments to make about the California-based Institute for Historical Review, which he refers to as the Institute for Historical Revisionism. Apparently it is “an anti-Jewish operation”, which will doubtless come as a surprise to its Jewish contributors and supporters, Alfred M. Lilienthal, the courageous anti-Zionist, to name but one. (32) The IHR is said to push the basic idea of “Jewish evil” as put forward in the Protocols of Zion. (33) And every issue of Searchlight.
On page 249, Gable mentions the pre-war Imperial Fascist League, whose main theme he identifies accurately as “an almost hysterical anti-Semitism” ! However, he is not quite right when he says it was pro-Hitler. According to documents at the Public Record Office, Arnold Leese (34) spoke at an IFL meeting on 19th April 1940, “stating his disgust at the German action in Norway”. He was said also to have thought Hitler should have retired in favour of Goering. (35)
On page 249, Roy Painter is said to have been a Conservative Parliamentary candidate in Tottenham in 1974. Actually, he defected in June 1973 and stood as a National Front candidate in 1974. (36) On the same page, further splits are said to have left around 5,000 in the National Front. Actually, it was nearer 3,000. (37) Gable appears to have been writing in 1987. (38)
Also on page 249, Tyndall is said to have “only been able to maintain a membership of about 800 since 1982...” This may be true, but if it is, then Gable’s fellow liar and conspirator, Nazi “mole” Ray Hill was way off the mark when he (or Gable?) wrote in 1988 that “[Tyndall] has failed to build support beyond the couple of thousand who responded to the unity appeal out of which the BNP was born.” (39)
Yet another error appears on page 249. Colin Jordan is said to have given up the leadership of the British Movement “because of legal problems following the strengthening of the race relations laws”. How could Gable possibly have missed a put-down like this? The reason Colin Jordan gave up the leadership of the British Movement had nothing to do with his falling foul of Britain’s Draconian race laws. Colin Jordan, who, in 1962, was elected “world Führer” by the grandly titled World Union of National Socialists, (40) Colin Jordan, Leader of the Aryan Race, Colin Jordan, heir to Adolf Hitler himself, was arrested for stealing three pairs of ladies’ knickers from a branch of Tesco (a Jewish-owned supermarket) in Leamington Spa! And he even had the audacity to claim that he had been fitted up by the Jewish conspiracy! (41) [But see Appendix C].
On page 250, the Monday Club is said to be a fringe group close to the Conservative Party. This is misleading. Monday Club members must support the Conservative Party. (42) Also, Gable says, “the Federation of Conservative Students...had to be shut down by the Conservative Party leadership in 1988.” Whether or not it had to be shut down is of course a moot point, but its 1988 closure will doubtless come as a surprise to Nicholas Wood, Political Reporter for the Times, who published an article in that illustrious paper on Saturday, December 20, 1986. The article, which appeared on page 2, was called Beloff takes charge of Tory students. And it revealed that Lord Beloff was one of four academics who had been appointed to “form the core of the body replacing the recently disbanded Federation of Conservative Students.”
On the same page, Joe Pearce is said to be “a working-class street-fighting anti-hero figure”. Neither Gable nor his error-prone magazine has ever produced any evidence that Mr Pearce has ever used or orchestrated violence against anyone. The only crimes Mr Pearce has ever been convicted of are “thought crimes”. (43)
On page 251, David Irving’s Focus Policy Group is misnamed the Focus Study Group. Not only that, but he was said to be “forging lines of communication with Green Peace and alternative energy organisations.” Greenpeace is actually one word, Mr Gable. The idea that Greenpeace or any genuine “green” outfit would have anything to do with Irving is patently absurd. What Irving would want from them (apart from money) is even less clear. The reference to “alternative energy organisations” is equally bizarre, unless this is some sort of snide reference to Irving’s attempts to get his hands on “oil money” by tapping the Arab embassies as reported in an earlier issue of Searchlight. (44) They told him where to go. Gable also says that Webster “did his utmost to create a clean image”. In view of Webster’s proven pederasty, (which was later exposed by Tyndall), this is a remarkable claim to make.
On page 253, Gable claims that “Today you cannot join the NF – the NF chooses you if they think you are suitable material either as a street fighter (and future terrorist?) or an organiser and propagandist. You can be a ’Friend of the Movement’...” This reference to “future terrorist” is of course nonsense. The violence that the National Front and similar organisations are renowned for is a direct result of their suppression by the likes of Gable.
Page 254 refers to the jailings of Joe Pearce and Martin Wingfield under the notorious Race Relations Act as “criminal activity”. (45) Also on page 254, an Ulster Front key organiser is named as Andrew McLorry. Actually he is Andrew McLorie.
Still on page 254, there is mention of the National Front’s alleged role in the “stop the city” demonstrations. This was originally part of a Searchlight smear on certain anarchists, a class of revolutionary who have long been suspicious of Gable’s sweetheart relationship with the British Secret State. (46)
Finally, still on page 254 (and again on page 259), “Major Ian Souter Clarence” is referred to as the military commander of Column 88. He is most definitely not. (47) On page 255, Gable claims that in 1986, a second coup left 5,000 members split: 2,000 in the Griffin camp; 3,000 with Brons. Surely this is an exaggeration? In the first instance, Brons was no longer the Front’s Chairman; he stepped down in 1985 and was replaced by Ian Anderson. (48)
Also on page 255, attention is drawn to the Libyan connection. Searchlight likes to paint a picture of Colonel Qathafi (49) as a mad dog – on account of his opposition to Zionist Imperialism. (50) Shock! Horror! The National Front was given books to resell by the wicked Qathafi, who, presumably, is also funding them and preparing them for the next attempt at the Final Solution. Issue 111 of National Front News ran the headline, NF Chiefs Visit Libya, and, strangely, they painted an entirely different picture of Libya from the one endorsed by the Western media. Is Colonel Qathafi really mad? Evidently not, and even if he is wicked, he doesn’t order his brave soldiers to shoot Palestinian children, but we won’t dwell on that in case Mr Gable accuses us of peddling anti-Semitism.
Page 257 contains another reference to the “historical revisionists”, who “have certainly been more active in trying to re-write that period of history in a more acceptable fashion.”
The point Mr Gable misses is that when history is written by liars – his predecessors – it needs to be rewritten. Ironically, he refers the reader to Roger Eatwell’s contribution in the same book. (51) Eatwell is one of the compliant and spineless academics referred to by Antony Sutton in one of his revisionist tomes. (52) (Sutton, by the way, is, or appears to be, an uncritical believer in the Holocaust). In his essay on the wicked Holocaust Revisionists, Eatwell comes out with this strawberry statement: “It is noted that there are some fakes relating to the Holocaust which are even admitted by Jewish groups. Many photographs are alleged to be faked, or presented in a misleading way.” (53)
This is the first and only reference the current writer has heard from a “respectable source” of “fake photographs”. Eatwell even references The Journal of Historical Review as one such source. It’s a pity he didn’t mention Searchlight, which in issue 30 published an article Nazi Roeder In Britain For Speaking Tour. (54) The article boasted that Roeder is awaiting trial in Frankfort for the distribution of a pamphlet called Auschwitz – Truth or Lie, An Eye Witness Report. The “truth” is evinced by two photographs on page thirteen, one of emaciated concentration camp inmates, the other of bodies being piled into a mass grave by a bulldozer. The implication is of course that both these photographs were taken at the Auschwitz “extermination camp”. In reality, one was taken in Bergen-Belsen, the other in Wobbelin camp. (55)
Still on page 257, the charismatic (if misguided) Louis Farrakhan is said to be a black extremist with “masters in Iran and Libya”. In reality, Farrakhan is his own man; quite possibly he has taken money from Colonel Qathafi and the Ayatollah, but there can be no question that he is doing his own thing. Unless the Colonel and the spiritual rulers of Iran also believe in flying saucers. (56) Farrakhan has of course been branded an anti-Semite on account of his claiming that the Jews control America.
Such beliefs are not necessarily anti-Semitic, especially if they happen to be true! (57) However, if Farrakhan really is an anti-Semite, it is solely because he believes that all Jews are cast from the same mould as Gable. This is the impression that Gable and indeed Organised Jewry fosters, and it is a totally false one, as anyone who takes the trouble to go out and meet Jews, Torah Jews especially, will swiftly conclude.
On page 258, Gable refers to William Pierce’s The Turner Diaries as the Mein Kampf of the 1980s. This is not only nonsense but a colossal insult both to Adolf Hitler and the entire philosophy of National Socialism, for all his and its faults. The Turner Diaries is in any case a work of pure fiction; (58) Mein Kampf is in part the story of the fledgling National Socialist movement, part Hitler’s autobiography, and part statement of the Nazi Party programme. One other small point: Earl Turner, the “hero” of this testament of hate, is said by Gable to form “an under-cover group”; actually in the book, he joins an existing group.
On page 260, Graham Williamson is referred to as Graeme Williamson. Gable also makes the ridiculous claim (on page 247) that the main reason Tyndall was ousted from the leadership of the National Front is that he had reneged on his oath of allegiance to Column 88, into which he had been inducted at the tender age of nineteen. In a 1978 issue of Searchlight (59) it was stated that Column 88 was founded around 1970 as a result of a split among Colin Jordan’s followers. Tyndall was 19 in 1953, and doing his National Service in West Germany at the time! (60)
The first article on Column 88 to appear in Searchlight was COLUMN 88: THE STORY OF BRITAIN’S NAZI UNDERGROUND which was published in the May 1975 issue, pages 3-6. Another article, Expose – presumably this should read Exposé, appeared in the May 1976 issue, pages 2-4. It was said then to be operating inside the TA. The factual basis for this (if there is any) appears to be the claim on page 3 that one unnamed Territorial Army member had a conviction for an unspecified firearms offence and had once been a member of the National Socialist Movement. This is hardly an armed uprising. On page 4, the bold claim is made that, “Column 88 is a private army. It is illegal. There is no legitimate reason why it should be allowed to continue.”
Earlier on page 3, the claim is made that this nebulous organisation has a membership of 200-300 with a council of 13 members. Like most articles in Searchlight, this was unsigned. If there is any factual basis to any of these claims, they are probably in line with the usual military fantasist nonsense which infests the extreme right: grown men who at heart are little boys and like to dress up in uniforms and carry guns. (61)
Also on page 260, Gable mentions that more than 20 National Front activists turned up at a demonstration in London on 23rd January 1988 to protest over “current events in Gaza and on the West Bank.”
This was shortly after the start of the intifada, in the first year of which the brave soldiers of “gallant little Israel” murdered 400 Palestinians and injured 20,000 of them! (62) An Amnesty International press release embargoed for 27 May 1993 revealed that 30 children had been murdered by the brave soldiers of “gallant little Israel” since December 1992. In all its eighteen years of regular publication, Searchlight has never once alluded to the oppression and suffering of the Palestinian people. Evidently some Holocausts will always be more important than others.
In this essay, Gable cites two sources of information as personal conversations: with Kingsley Read and Roy Painter. But doesn’t Gable have a policy of no platform for “fascists” ?
But the most shocking error in Gable’s error-prone essay appears on page 256. Here, he refers to the National Front’s ideology (63) as that of “a decentralised economy and state...” If this is so, then how can the National Front be a fascist party? (64) The one essential feature of fascism (and of all collectivism) is the centralised state. With this one phrase, Gable proves that he is either abysmally ignorant of the nature of fascism or of the National Front. Actually, he is ignorant of both. The reality of course is that the National Front is not and never has been a fascist party. It may be racist - whatever is meant by that nebulous and quite specious epithet – it may be anti-black, it may even be anti-Semitic (which is what really bothers Mr Gable), but one thing it most definitely is not, and never was, is fascist.
In fact, although from the beginning the National Front contained a sprinkling of anti-Semites and even outright “Nazis” its membership was made up largely of ordinary British men and women who, after fighting a world war to keep the foreigner out, (65) saw their country invaded by hordes of unassimilable and unwanted aliens. They also saw, and continue to see, Jews pushing race-mixing and suppressing their civil liberties, in particular those of free speech and freedom of association. This is thanks largely to Gable and his fellow anti-British and thoroughly undemocratic hate-mongers on the Board of Deputies of “British” Jews and other “Jewish” and “anti-fascist” organisations.
Searchlight is viewed in certain quarters as part and parcel of the international Jewish conspiracy. (66) In reality, it is a covertly funded and entirely cynical attempt to destroy individual liberty by the evil exploitation of anti-Semitism. And for the past three decades it has been extremely successful, feeding its lies and poison to the media, making Jews, and other minorities paranoid, and fuelling white British people with resentment against immigrants, ethnic minorities and Jews.
In its July 1993 issue, Searchlight states: “Since the earliest days of fighting fascism in the twenties and thirties, it has been a fundamental principle that nobody ever sits on a platform or joins in debate with nazis and fascists.” (67)
It is this which has been the principal cause of “fascist” violence and racist violence from the beginning: brand someone a fascist, then suppress him “by whatever means necessary”. Most (but not all of) the violence and anti-Semitism directed by the “fascist” movement is a backlash against this. And don’t forget, Gable and co don’t even understand what fascism really is. This view is even shared by some of Gable’s equally undemocratic rivals in the “anti-fascist” movement. (68)
We have demonstrated here, I think, that Gable is as poor a researcher as he is prolific a liar, and that he does not understand either “fascism” or racism; the only thing he does know is that he wants to outlaw them both, along with Holocaust Revisionism and that most heinous of evils, anti-Semitism. To this end he and his ugly friends at Searchlight are prepared to destroy all our civil liberties, and us as well, and to date we have done precious little to stop them. To this end also they have constructed an all-encompassing neo-Nazi conspiracy theory which makes the Protocols of Zion look plausible in comparison. Unfortunately, they have also seduced not only the mainstream media – to whom they offer themselves as “consultants” – (69) but academics, who really should know better.
In Fascism In Britain, author Richard Thurlow says of Searchlight: “This is the most interesting intelligence source for post-1945 British fascism. Gerry Gable is particularly keen that more academics should be made aware of his resources.” (70) [We couldn’t agree more, and for that reason we are mailing this publication out to a number of academics as well as to media outlets.]
Thurlow has really been taken in by Gable’s sloppy research and neo-Nazi fantasies. On page 286 he says, “Gerry Gable’s intelligence activities...appeared to find out more about the extreme right than the fascists knew themselves.”
Too true. John Tyndall still doesn’t know that he was a member of Column 88!
On page 288 Thurlow says, “The activities of Ray Hill led to the exposure of a gunrunning operation to Northern Ireland involving members of the National Democratic Party, the thwarting of a plot to explode a terrorist bomb at the 1981 Notting Hill carnival, and the passing of information to the authorities of the provision of ’safe houses’ for wanted terrorists, who in return (it was alleged) were providing paramilitary training and proceeds from previous bank robberies on the continent. Hill provided evidence that practically all of Britain’s nazis were implicated in some of these activities, including the British Movement, the League of St George and Column 88.”
Sorry Professor Thurlow, but this is absolute poppycock! One of Gable’s equally undemocratic rivals has summed up his mentality in a nutshell: “It is not surprising that the whole world is one of conspiracies and scheming to Gable – its how he operates.” (71)
What is the truth? The truth is that the activities of Ray Hill led to Ray Hill making a lot of money, and a lot of enemies (his former friends). The so-called “gunrunning operation” was supposed to have been for Leicester solicitor Anthony Reed Herbert (72) to “equip his street army for ’the big showdown’, in what he believed was ’the coming race war’...”. (73) In reality a luger was left “wrapped in black polythene, under a bush in a city centre cemetery...” (74) The National Democratic Party referred to is presumably the British Democratic Party; there was never any plot to bomb the Notting Hill carnival, (75) and no one was ever arrested for any criminal offence on “information” received from Ray Hill. On the other hand, if Mr Hill were to return to South Africa, from which he fled in 1979, he would almost certainly be arrested himself, for embezzlement. (76)
One academic who has obviously not been misled by Searchlight is the aforementioned Larry O’Hara. Searchlight’s and Gable’s hate campaign against him began after he interviewed Third Way boss Patrick Harrington. Although Harrington has never tainted himself with anti-Semitism or any other manifestation of racial bigotry, and professes – probably sincerely – not to be either a racist or an anti-Semite, (77) he is a totally disingenuous person, a suspected homosexual, (78) and almost certainly a police informant. (79)
Searchlight immediately branded O’Hara Harrington’s errand boy. (80) O’Hara was incensed and instead of ignoring this jibe, over-reacted and fired off a letter to Gable, which Gable ignored. He claimed that Searchlight’s smear left him open to attacks by “anti-fascists”. (81) Since then, Gable’s error-prone magazine has regularly attacked O’Hara. (82) O’Hara believes this is because – like every businessman – Gable wants a monopoly, in his case of “researching” the extreme right. He also told the current writer that the sloppiness of Gable’s research is symptomatic of his contempt for his readership. (83)
That probably is the case, but what is certainly the case is that until Gable and Searchlight are given the credibility they deserve – none – the British media, academics, and everyone else, will continue to be fed garbage (84) about such things as the resurgence of Nazism, the evils of racism and the unique wickedness of the Aryan race. More importantly, we will continue to see our civil liberties and individual rights eroded by the enemies of all nations (85) on the pretext of defending “democracy”.
In this pamphlet we have said much in defence of fascists’ rights, but nothing in defence of fascism. We have not defended fascism, because, like every other form of collectivism, fascism is indefensible. It is indefensible for one reason and one reason alone: it subjugates the individual to the collective. Whether that collective is the nation state, the race, the religion, the class, or something else, collectivism is the enemy of all mankind, because ultimately there is only one choice. When all the garbage about national sovereignty, racial integrity, class solidarity ad nauseum has been swept away, there remains only this: are we free men and women, or are we slaves? If we are free, then we must be free to associate with whom we choose, regardless of race, colour, creed, religion or anything else. We must be free to speak our minds, free to lie, free to hate, and free to be wrong. And other people must be free to associate or not to associate with us on the same basis. (86)
This does not mean that we should not be loyal to our nation, our religion, our family or even our race, indeed, we can be loyal to all these institutions and still be opposed to fascism. Unlike Gable and co, we do not have to become what we despise in order to destroy it.
Anti-Semites often remind us that the Jews gave us communism, (87) some even point to Gable to validate their hypothesis, but it cannot be stressed too strongly that this is what Gable and his ugly friends want them to think. However, if collectivism has a distinctly Jewish flavour, so too does individualism, the real, indeed the only alternative to slavery.
Followers of the Libertarian philosophy of Ayn Rand (88) defend the rights of fascists, communists and all the other nasties and loudly proclaim the right of all to free speech in particular. The twisted logic used by “anti-fascists” to deny “fascists” free speech – or any freedom at all – is that if they were permitted freedom, they wouldn’t allow anybody else to have it. (89) This becomes even more indefensible when one realises, as we have shown with Gable, that most of these people don’t really understand what fascism is. In practice, it is anything they disapprove of.
For Gable in particular this has become an obsession with denying the importance or even the existence of race. The “Nazis” we are told, are obsessed with the idea of racial purity; he on the other hand is clearly obsessed with miscegenation. Just like the Nazi stereotype of the Jewish “race polluter”, the destroyer of Aryan civilisation. Whether or not Western Man is worth saving is beyond the scope of the current work. Clearly Gable thinks his own race is worth saving, to the exclusion of everything else. But he refuses to allow his sworn “Aryan” enemies the right even to try to save theirs.
Most “racial bigotry”, on the white side at least, stems not from hatred, but from fear, in particular, the fear of a black planet, of total annihilation. This is a fear which Gable and his ilk ferment and exploit for their own evil purposes. But white racists go about it entirely the wrong way. The correct way to oppose miscegenation is the same way to oppose anti-Semitism and all forms of bigotry, racial or otherwise, on the grounds of individual rights.
Racial discrimination, racial bigotry, racism, should be a matter of individual choice, for nothing is as undiscriminating as the free market. The market discriminates only on the basis of merit, and that merit is in the eye of the beholder. (90) If, instead of organising marches, fruitless meetings and churning out reams of obscene racially offensive and anti-Semitic propaganda, white racists had lobbied as vociferously as Organised Jewry and the “anti-racist” left for their individual rights, (91) we would quite likely have never seen the imposition of any “race relations” legislation in this country, and race relations would have been all the better for it.
Then there is Gable’s obsession with the Jewish Question. Anyone who raises this issue in any but the most fawningly philo-Semitic terms can be – and very likely will be – denounced as an anti-Semite. Yet the Jewish Question, like the race issue, is something that is best dragged out into the open rather than hidden under the carpet, to borrow a phrase from John Tyndall. (92)
Anti-Semitic propaganda can never benefit from free and open debate, if it is false, as most of it demonstrably is. But anti-Semitism can and does feed off suppression. So does fascism. We have seen in this country, certainly over the past thirty years, an almost hysterical suppression of freedom – fascism by any other name – largely in the field of free speech and free enquiry. Almost all of this suppression has emanated from the Anglo-Jewish establishment and its powerful allies (and dupes) in politics, the media and academia.
The Jewish (in reality Zionist) suppression of freedom has been and continues to be totally ruthless. Having been a victim of their wire-pulling myself, I know what I am talking about. Organised Jewry is a far greater threat to our freedom than any bunch of wankers in Welling, or any shadowy clique of anti-Semitic pamphleteers and printers in darkest Sussex, or anywhere else. Organised Jewry is also the greatest threat to the Jewish people themselves, because, consciously or unconsciously, its leaders ferment and give spurious credence to anti-Semitic propaganda. Gerry Gable and his ugly friends at Searchlight and in the misnamed anti-fascist movement want us all, but especially the Jewish people, to believe that they are the only solution to anti-Semitism and racial bigotry. The only thing we have to do is surrender all our civil liberties, and keep our mouths shut.
We have exposed Gable as an ignoramus; he is also a liar. As Ayn Rand would have said, a society that is decadent enough or stupid enough to follow him will get what it deserves. Personally, we think that we all deserve better than that.
To Appendix A: Two Views Of Column 88
To Appendix B: A Selected, Dissenting Bibliography On “Searchlight”
To Appendix C: Colin Jordan, Afterword
To Appendix D: Searchlight Associates: The Official Company History
To Appendix E: Gable’s Contribution To The 2nd Edition
To Notes And References
Back To Gable’s Fables
Back To Acknowledgments
Back To Security Alert! and Author/Publisher Credits
Back To Front Cover And Credits
Back To Baron Pamphlets Index
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